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 Portion
of 1806 map by Lewis and Clark (Moulton Atlas: 1983). |
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 "Comet
Venus"
Photo by Paul Wicklund |
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 Elk
Image courtesy the Tamástslikt Cultural Institute
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 Portion
of Wm. Clark's 1806 map showing "Muscle Shell Rapids"
(Moulton Atlas map #123) |
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Umatilla River > Culture > Lewis & Clark and the Early Fur Trade
Before Lewis & Clark |
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For more than a decade before the arrival of Lewis and Clark, European
explorers and traders had been in contact with the tribes of the
Columbia River, either directly or through the inter-tribal trade
network. Lt. William Broughton had explored 100 miles up the Columbia
in the fall of 1792, where he exchanged some trinkets with the
Skilloots, a Chinook band. |
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The Coastal Chinook and Clatsops informed
Lewis and Clark about the many trade ships with
which they had established commerce to acquire goods
for their own use and for trading upriver. Trade
was also well-established further north. Goods from
coastal British Columbia could have made their way
into the interior Plateau through the Salish trade
network from the Fraser into the upper Columbia.
The various Sahaptin groups participated in both
inter-tribal trade networks. Goods from the Northwest
Companies Saskatchewan outposts were effectively
blocked by the Blackfeet from crossing the Continental
Divide until after Lewis and Clark had returned
to St. Louis. |

Sailing
vessel at the mouth of the Columbia River.
From a painting by George Lagergren.
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1805 - 1811 |
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Portion of the Snake River Corridor, as drawn
by Gustavus Sohon.
National Archives |
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In describing the Chopunnish people along the
Clearwater River on October 10, 1805, Clark notes "
…their Shirts are ornamented with quilled Brass,
Small peces of Brass Cut into different forms, Beeds,
Shells," etc. He also mentions "Sea Shells-.e
the Mother of Pirl." These objects document trade
from the coast" (Mother of Pearl) and acquisition of
European goods (brass). On the 21st of October, near
the boundary between Umatilla (Sahaptin speakers) and
Methow (Salishan speakers) territory, Clark describes
the European trade goods worn by people in a fishing
camp: "here we Saw two Scarlet and a blue cloth
blanket, also a Salors Jacket" The natives tell
them that they have acquired their acorns from the natives
who live at the falls below, "Timm" or Celilo.
No doubt, then, their trade goods came via the Chinook
network from the coast. There is no mention of firearms
or metal tools or weapons among these interior groups,
although guns (but no rifles) were observed among the
Chinookan groups from the area around what is now Portland,
out to the coast. Apparently, in the first years of
the 19th century, little in the way of European trade
goods was making its way very far upriver past the Dalles
(Moulton:1988).
June, 1806, L&C encouraging peace among the tribes
was in perfect accord with the needs of the Plateau
tribes. Word of the peace process reached the Shoshones,
whose representatives arrived, on June 6, among the
Cayuses, having "come forward for the purpose of
making peace with them, and also with the Chopunnish
[Nez Perce] &c." Lead Nez Perce negotiator,
Tin-ach-e-moot-oolt, produced two peace pipes, giving
one to William Clark, and reserving the other for the
Snakes. Negotiations with the Shoshone would take place
at the summer intertribal council which was to start
in about 10 days. If the Americans' promises were fulfilled,
the Shoshone could switch from trading with the Spanish,
who required slaves in exchange for horses and other
goods, and begin to trade with the Americans on the
Upper Missouri, and the allied forces could turn the
tide of Blackfeet aggression.
According to Clark's journal entry of June 23, 1806,
they learned that the peace negotiations had been successful.
However, the Blackfeet successfully precluded an American
presence in the Upper Missouri country for several decades,
leaving the Shoshone in need of slaves to support their
trade habit, and the Plateau tribes were once again
vulnerable. Tension increased during the next two years,
when full-scale war broke out in 1808, claiming hundreds
of lives" (McWhorter: 1986).
After the departure of Lewis and Clark in 1806, life
returned pretty much to normal for the peoples of the
Columbia Plateau. According to a story recorded by Cox
in 1814, their war with the Snakes escalated, bringing
devastation to the Walla Wallas. During the summer of
1811 the Shoshones succeeded in stealing the horses
of the Walla Wallas, preventing them from hunting that
fall and terrorized them so that the Walla Wallas were
driven from their fishing camps along the banks of the
river. That winter, the Shoshones attacked their village,
burned their lodges, killing many and capturing others
as slaves.
During the winter of 1811-12, Donald McKenzie and
his bedraggled overland band of traders of Astor's Pacific
Fur Company wandered into a Nez Perce village on the
Snake River, where they remained for some time, recuperating.
Much like their predecessors of the Lewis and Clark
expedition, these strangers were treated with much kindness
and hospitality by the Nez Perce. These were the first
known whites to visit the interior tribes of the Plateau
since Lewis and Clark. |
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1812 |
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View
of Fort Astoria as it was in 1813
(Franchere: 1854)
Courtesy The University of Montana,
K. Ross Toole Archives |
Ross Cox arrived at the mouth of the Columbia in
May of 1812, as part of the Pacific Fur Company, owned
by John Jacob Astor. In late June, he was part of a
large group who headed upriver to establish the fur
trade. These were the first known whites to visit the
interior tribes of the Plateau since Lewis and Clark.
Along the way, they… |
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"generally encamped on the northern
banks of the river, purchased a number of horses for
eating, and were several times without wood for cooking
them. The Indians behaved in the most peaceable manner,
and freely bartered with us such other provisions as
they could spare" (Cox: 1957).
At the end of July, they spent time with the Walla
Wallas, whom they found to be gracious hosts. Cox echoes
Clark's earlier praise of these fine people: |
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"In the evening we encamped at the entrance
of the Wallah Wallah River; a number of that tribe visited
us, and remained for some time smoking. We informed
Tamtappam, their chief, that we wanted good horses fit
to carry luggage, and others to eat, and requested he
would procure for us as many as he could the following
day. This he promised to do, and departed. |

Columbia
River at Wallula. Photo by Olin D. Wheeler,
1902. Courtesy of the Newberry Library. AP3814 |
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"On the 29th we purchased twenty
horses for Mr. Robert Stuart's party; which being deemed
sufficient for them, he, with Messrs. Crooks and M'Lellan,
and eight men, left us the next morning, under a salute
of three cheers, to pursue their dangerous journey across
the mountains, and thence by the Missouri to St.Louis.
The Wallah Wallahs were decidedly the most friendly
tribe we had seen on the river: they had an air of open
and unsuspecting confidence in their manner that at
once banished suspicion, and insured our friendship.
There was a degree of natural politeness, too, evidenced
by them on entering their lodges, which we did not see
practiced by any others. We visited several families
in the village; and the moment we entered, the best
place was selected for us, and a clean mat spread to
sit on; while the inmates, particularly the women and
the children, remained at a respectful distance, with
out manifesting any of the obtrusive curiosity about
our arms or clothing by which we were so much annoyed
amongst the lower tribes. The females, also, were distinguished
by a degree of attentive kindness, totally removed from
the disgusting familiarity of the kilted ladies below
the rapids, and equally free from an affection of prudery.
Prostitution is unknown among them; and I believe no
inducement would tempt them to commit a breach of chastity"
(Cox: 1957).
Cox also describes the Pierced-nose Indians of this
area, apparently lumping several distinct Sahaptin-speaking
cultural groups including the lower or downriver Nez
Perce, the Palouse and probably Cayuse, as well. About
these people he writes:
"They do not differ much from the Wallah
Wallahs in their dress or language, but are not so friendly,
and demand higher prices for their horses. Their habitations
are covered with large mats, fixed on poles; some are
square, others are oblong, and some conical; they are
of various sizes, from twenty to seventy feet long,
and from ten to fifteen feet broad. There are no interior
divisions, and an opening in the top serves the double
purpose of a window and chimney. These dwellings are
pretty free from vermin, and are easily changed when
occasion requires. The women wear leathern robes, which
cover the shoulders, part of the arms, the breast, and
reach down their legs. The men have robes nearly similar,
but not so long, with leggings which reach up half the
thigh, and are fastened to a belt round the waist by
leather thongs. They are clean, active, and smart-looking,
good hunters, and excellent horsemen. They enjoy good
health, and with the exception of a few sore eyes, did
not appear to have any disorder. They are fond of their
children, and attentive to the wants of their old people.
Their saddles are made of dressed deer-skin stuffed
with hair; the stirrups are wooden, with the bottom
broad and flat, and covered over with raw skin, which
when dry becomes hard, and lasts a long time. The bridles
are merely ropes made out of the hair of the horses'
tails, and are tied round their under jaw. The women
ride like the men: their saddles are high in front and
rear, and formed something like the humps on a camel's
back; and they must bring their horses to a rock or
old tree to enable them to mount. The men are hard and
unfeeling riders: the rope bridles cut the corners of
the poor horses' mouths; and the saddles generally leave
their backs quite raw; yet in this state they ride them
for several days successively without the least pity
for the tortured animals.
On the 7th of August, Cox and his group arrived at
the junction
of the Palouse with the Snake, where he describes
the assembled village:
"A village of about forty mat-covered tents
was situated at its junction with the main river. The
inhabitants were busily employed in catching and drying
salmon for their winter and spring stock; and as it
was here we intended to leave the canoes and proceed
to our destination by land, we encamped on the west
side of the little bay, and immediately commenced trade
with the natives for horses. This place is not more
than fifty miles from the Columbia; but owing to the
rapidity of the current, and the many rapids with which
it was interrupted, our progress was slow…
"The inhabitants of this fishing village were part
of the Pierced-nose Indians. We remained here seven
days, endeavouring to complete our number of horses,
which we at length effected. The natives were hard to
deal with, and we had to raise our prices…
"In their dress, language, and dwellings these
people differed little from those at the mouth of Lewis'
River. On the evening of the 14th we laid up our bateaux
and canoes in a snug spot covered with willow and loose
shrubs, and recommended them to the care of the chief,
who promised that they should be carefully preserved
until our return the following spring. We made him a
present of a fathom of blue cloth, an axe, a knife;
to his wife we gave a few strings of white and blue
beads, and three dozen of hawk-bells for her chemise
de cuir; and among the remainder we distributed a few
heads of leaf-tobacco.
"We purchased altogether fifty horses to carry
goods and baggage; and from the difficulty we experienced
in procuring that number, we were not able to obtain
enough for our own use. M'Lennan and I, however, succeeded
in purchasing one for our joint use; and Farnham and
Pillet got another. The also obtained a few which occasionally
served to relieve them in the progress of their journey"
(Cox: 1957).
From the Palouse village, Cox and his group headed
north to Spokane House. He doesn't mention Donald McKenzie's
group who travel up the Snake to the Clearwater during
this same time (August, 1812) where they open a small
post on the north side of the Clearwater near Spalding,
in Nez Perce country.
McKenzie's Clearwater post is short-lived. Like the
Blackfeet with the NWCo traders several decades earlier,
the Nez Perce were unwilling to become beaver trappers;
McKenzie's men were disrespectful and demanding; and
news of the outbreak of the War of 1812 reached the
fort. McKenzie closed the Clearwater post and withdrew
to the Pacific Fur Company's main post, Astoria, which
soon would be sold to the North West Company.
A terrible event occurred at
the mouth of the Palouse River, at the same village where Cox had traded
for horses just a few short months earlier, while McKenzie's
group were evacuating Clearwater post. John Clarke,
known for his temper, had an altercation with a group
of Nez Perce and Palouse Indians and ordered one of
them to be hanged. This abuse set into motion a three-year
period of difficulty between the Sahaptian-speaking
peoples and the new NWCo employees who were trying to
establish trade relationships in the region.
Alexander Ross reports a great increase in the trade
with this event. "No sooner had the North Westers
inherited the Oregon…, than ship after ship doubled
Cape Horn in regular succession with bulky cargoes to
the fulfillment of every demand…" More and
more traders and clerks (and Canadians) arrived, and
with them came change.
"They found fault with everything,
yet could mend nothing. Even the establishment of Fort
George could not please them therefore a fort built
upon a large scale, and greater elevation, was more
consonant to their ideas of grandeur; in consequence,
the pinnacle of Tongue Point was soon to exhibit a Gibraltar
of the West. An engineer was hired, great guns were
ordered, men and means set at work, racks were leveled,
and yet this residence more fit for eagles than for
men was at last relinquished, and the condemned old
fort was again adopted" (Ross: 1956).
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1814 - Morning Star |
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The next recorded expedition into the southern
plateau country and the first in which there was open
hostility and intimidation from some of the local people,
was conducted by the North West Company. Due to the
timely arrival of a commanding young leader of the Walla
Wallas, the matter was settled without great loss of
life.
When the North West Company bought Astoria and its
assets, Ross Cox turned to them for employ. On the 18th
of November of 1814, Cox, with nine other traders and
54 canoe-men, including six Sandwich Islanders, departed
Ft. George at the mouth of the Columbia in eight canoes
for a trading expedition into the interior. Their travels
were uneventful as they moved up the river, passing
numerous villages in safety. They relaxed and Cox made
note in his journal that they "threw by" their
"leathern armour" as no longer
necessary, and the men stowed their muskets into long
cases, which were placed under the trading goods in
the bottom of the canoes". They would regret this
decision when, near the mouth of the "Wallah Wallah
River" they encountered "a number of canoes
filled with natives" who "attempted to take
some goods by force". The traders used great restraint
as they attempted to avert a disaster.
"We were awkwardly circumstanced: the
only arms were those in the possession of the officers;
and, with the exception of the paddles, the men had
no weapons ready. Anxious to avoid coming to extremities,
as long as possible, without compromising our character,
we endeavoured to keep them in check with the paddles;
but our efforts were unavailing, and some hard blows
were given and received. Still we refrained from the
dernier resort, and Mr. Keith gave orders not to fire
while there was a possibility of saving the property"(Cox:
1957).
Unfortunately, the incident escalated and in order
to avoid the Indians' arrows, Mr. Finan McDonald shot
his opponent, then shot his two companions with his
double-barreled gun, killing one and injuring the other.
Everyone then fled. The traders took refuge on an island
and spent the next two days in nervous anticipation
of death. According to Cox:
"Our meditations this night were far
from pleasing; and when we reflected on the hopelessness
of our situation, in the centre of a great river, the
natives on each side of which were brave, powerful,
and hostile; our numbers comparatively few, and the
majority men in whose courage we could not confide" (Cox:
1957).
The second night, a storm had subsided around midnight,
yet the sky remained dark. Cox reports his alarm at
seeing large fires emerge out of the darkness, while
he and Mr. Keith were on watch.
"…we observed a large fire on
a hill in a north-west direction. It was immediately
answered by one in the opposite point, which was followed
by others to the eastward and westward; while the indistinct
sounds of paddles from canoes crossing and recrossing,
afforded strong proofs that our enemies, by vigilant
watching, and constant communication, had determined
that we should not escape them in the dark" (Cox: 1957).
After assessing their dire situation, the traders
decided to try their hand at negotiating. They sent
Michel, their interpreter,
"forward alone, carrying a long pole,
to which was attached a white handkerchief, and hailed
them (the Indians) several times without obtaining an
answer... They appeared to understand the import of
our white flag; and after a little hesitation two of
them approached, and demanded to know what we had to
say" (Cox: 1957).
Michel conveyed that the "white chiefs"
wanted to talk over the "disagreeable affair."
The young men responded and rode off to inform their
people of what had transpired, returning shortly thereafter.
"…They returned in a short time, and stated
that the neighbouring chiefs, with the friends and relatives
of the men who had been killed, would join us immediately.
"In less than half an hour a number of mounted
Indians appeared, preced by about 150 warriors on foot,
all well armed with guns, spears, tomahawks, bows, and
well furnished quivers. They stopped within about fifty
yards of our party. Among them we recognized several
of the Wallah Wallahs; but in vain looked for our old
friend Tamtappam, their chief: he was absent.
"A group of between thirty and forty equally
well armed now approached from the interior. Their hair
was cut short as a sign of mourning; their bodies were
nearly naked, and besmeared with red paint. This party
consisted of the immediate relatives of the deceased;
and as they advanced they chanted a death-song…
"They took up their position in the centre;
and the whole party then formed themselves into an extended
crescent. Among them were natives of Chimnapum, Yackaman,
Sokulk, and Wallah Wallah tribes. Their language is
nearly the same; but they are under separate chiefs,
and in time of war always unite against the Shoshone
or Snake Indians, a powerful nation, who inhabit the
plains to the southward…
"On the present occasion, their painted skin,
cut hair, and naked bodies, imparted to their appearance
a degree of ferocity from which we boded no good result.
They remained stationary for some time, and preserved
a profound silence" (Cox: 1957)..
With the help of Michel, the traders conveyed to
the two chiefs who had come forward that they hoped
to be able to resolve the situation by compensating
the relatives of the deceased with trade goods consisting
of "two suits of chiefs' clothes, with blankets,
tobacco, and ornaments for the women, &c."
The offer was refused and the chiefs demanded instead
that nothing could be resolved until "two white
men (one of whom should be the big red-headed chief)
were delivered to them to be sacrificed, according to
their law, to the spirits of the departed warriors".
Mr. Keith's diplomacy averted disaster at this point,
offering a clear message and refusal to consider responsibility
for problems started by the Indians' thievery. None
of their men would be sacrificed. He assured them that
peaceful resolution would be the best thing all around,
but if they refused it, his men were unafraid to fight.
Despite their small numbers, they were well-armed.
"The interpreter having repeated the
above, a violent debate took place among the principal
natives. One party advised the demand for the two white
men to be withdrawn, and to ask in their place a greater
quantity of goods and ammunition; while the other, which
was by far the most numerous, and to which all the relatives
of the deceased belonged, opposed all compromise, unaccompanied
by the delivery of the victims" (Cox: 1957).
The moderate voices were lost among the hostile calls
for revenge. The Northwest Company traders and their
companions readied themselves for action. Many of the
Indians had withdrawn some distance away, leaving only
two chiefs and an old man remaining, appearing undecided
about the best course of action.
"From this group our eyes glanced to
an extended line of the enemy who were forming behind
them; and from their motions it became evident that
their intention was to outflank us. We therefore changed
our position, and formed our men into single files,
each man about three feet from his comrade. The friendly
natives began to fall back slowly towards their companions,
most of whom had already concealed themselves behind
large stones, tufts of wormwood, and furze bushes, from
which they could have taken a more deadly aim; and Messrs.
Keith and Stewart, who had now abandoned all hope for
an amicable termination, called for their arms.
"An awful pause ensued, when our attention was
arrested by the loud tramping of horses, and immediately
after twelve mounted warriors dashed into the space
between the two parties, where they halted, and dismounted.
They were headed by a young chief, of fine figure, who
instantly ran up to Mr. Keith, to whom he presented
his hand in the most friendly manner, which example
was followed by his companions. He then commanded our
enemies to quit their places of concealment and to appear
before him. His orders were promptly obeyed; and having
made himself acquainted with the circumstances that
led to the deaths of the two Indians, and our efforts
towards effecting a reconciliation, he addressed them
in a speech of considerable length, of which the following
is a brief sketch:
"Friends and relations! Three snows have only
passed over our heads since we were a poor miserable
people. Our enemies the Shoshones, during the summer,
stole our horses, by which we were prevented from hunting,
and drove us from the banks of the river, so that we
could not get fish. In winter, they burned our lodges
by night; they killed our relations; they treated our
wives and daughters like dogs, and left us either to
die from cold or starvation, or become their slaves.
"They were numerous and powerful; we were few,
and weak. Our hearts were as the hearts of little children:
we could not fight like warriors, and were driven like
deer about the plains. When the thunders rolled, and
the rains poured, we had no spot in which we could seek
a shelter; no place, save the rocks, whereon we could
lay our heads. Is such the case today? No, my relations!
It is not. We have driven the Shoshones from our hunting
grounds, on which they dare not now appear, and have
regained possession of the lands of our fathers, in
which they and their fathers' fathers lie buried. We
have horses and provisions in abundance, and can sleep
unmolested with our wives and our children without dreading
the midnight attacks of our enemies. Our hearts are
great within us, and we are now a nation!
"Who, then, my friends, have produced this
change? The white men. In exchange for our horses and
for our furs, they gave us guns and ammunition; then
we became strong; we killed many of our enemies, and
forced them to fly from our lands. And are we to treat
those who have been the cause of this happy change with
ingratitude? Never! Never! The white people have never
robbed us; and, I ask, why should we attempt to rob
them? It was bad, very bad!-and they were right in killing
the robbers…" (Morning Star: Cox: 1957).
The young chief continued, using various arguments
in order to persuade those of differing viewpoints,
about the folly in pursuing this course of action. He
reminds the crowd that even if they killed all of these
men, many more would come to revenge their deaths. If
this happened, he continued,
"We should then be reduced to our former
state of misery and persecution; our ammunition would
be quickly expended; our guns would become useless,
and we should again be driven from our lands, and the
lands of our fathers, to wander like deer and wolves
in the midst of the woods and plains" (Morning Star:
Cox: 1957).
According to Cox, the great orator continued for
two hours and Michel, the interpreter, had to admit
that much of the speech was beyond his command of the
language. He concluded with a call for his followers
to join him, and to give up the fight: "Let the
Wallah Wallahs, and all who love me, and are fond of
the white men, come forth and smoke the pipe of peace!"
The force of this young Walla Walla chief's words
altered the course that had been set in motion, averting
a bloody battle and re-writing the script for Northwest
history. "Morning Star", this young chief,
had "handsome features, eagle glance, noble bearing,
and (was a) majestic person," according to Cox.
Cox also notes that he was no more than 25 years of
age, and that "his father had been a chief of great
bravery and influence, and had been killed in battle
by the Shoshones a few years before".
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Ross - 1815-trouble
again with Cayuse, above the Walla Walla |

Gustavus
Sohon sketch, looking down the Columbia at Wallula" (on
the left).
National Archives
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The following June, following the annual council
at the Company Headquarters where assignments are made
and reports given, and the annual ship had arrived and
goods distributed, Alexander Ross and others of the
"inland brigade"
"...ascended the Columbia without any
interruption until it had reached a little above the
Walla Walla, near to the spot where the Cayouse Indians
had in the preceding fall stopped the express and hauled
the boat up high and dry on land, and here they intended
to play the same game over again, for when the whites
were in the act of poling up a small but strong rapid
along shore with the intention of stopping as soon as
they got to the head of it, the Indians who were still
encamped there, insisted on their putting to shore at
once. This invitation was, however, under existing circumstances
disregarded by the whites as being almost impossible
at the moment. When suddenly a party of the Indians
mounted on horseback plunged into the stream, and so
barred the narrow channel through which the boats had
to pass that great confusion ensued. Still the whites
in their anxiety to get up the rapids paid but little
attention to them, which forbearance encouraged the
Indians to resort to threats by drawing up their horses
and menacing the whites. In this critical conjunction
the whites seized their arms and made signs to the Indians
to withdraw, but this only encouraged them the more
to resist, and throwing themselves from their horses
into the water they laid hold of the boats. The struggle
and danger now increased every moment, as the Indians
were becoming more and more numerous and daring. The
whites had not a moment to lose; they fired. Two Indians
fell dead on the spot, and a third was badly wounded.
All three floated down the current. The instant the
shots went off, the Indians made for land, and the firing
ceased. The whites in the meantime drifting down to
the foot of the rapid crossed the river to the opposite
side, and soon after encamped for the night on a sandy
island. Had the whites done what they ought to have
done from the lesson of the previous year at this place,
put ashore at the foot of the rapid, no difficulties
would have ensued and no blood would have been shed…" (Ross:
1956).
In the morning - "the Indians assembled in fearful
numbers" firing occasionally at the brigade on
the island, without injury. A storm forced them to leave
the blowing sand of the island:
"After appointing fifteen resolute
fellows to guard the property, they embarked to the
number of seventy-five men, well armed, made for the
shore, and landing a little from the Indians' camp,
hoisted a flag inviting the chiefs to a parley: but
the Indians were distrustful…At last, however,
after holding a consultation they advanced in solemn
procession, to the number of eighty-four. After a three-hour
negotiation the whites paid for the two dead bodies,
according to Indian custom, and took their leave in
peace and safety, and this ended the disagreeable affair"
(Ross: 1956).
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Cox - Spring 1817 |
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Just prior to Cox's departure from the region
after five years, he sums up his knowledge of the area
around Ft. Nez Perces:
"I have already spoken of the Wallah Wallahs,
and their friendly disposition. With the exception of
the attack in autumn of 1814, they never manifested
any hostility to our people; and we had reason to know
the part they took in that transaction was compulsory…
"There is scarcely any beaver on their lands;
but deer, wild fowl, and roots, are obtained in plenty,
and, with the salmon, constitute their principal food.
They are a well-formed race, cleanly in their persons,
good hunters, and excellent horsemen. The Chohoptins
(Shahaptians?), or Nez Perces, differ little from them
in their language, customs, or mode of living. The productions
of their lands are nearly similar; and they have immense
bands of wild and tame horses. They reside principally
on the banks of Lewis' River, and are a numerous and
powerful tribe" (Cox: 1957).
On April 16th, Cox took his leave of Ft. George and
ascended the Columbia for the last time. In his journal
he reported on his last encounters with the Indians
along the great river:
"26th. It blew a strong gale the greater part
of last night, but moderated at day-break, when we crossed
to the north side, and commenced the portage, which
we finished in two pauses. We purchased twenty dogs
for the kettle. None of the natives who came to us were
armed, and we never observed them so tranquil. Our number,
however, was sufficient to insure us a respectful reception
among any single tribe of the Columbia. Mr. Mackenzie
wrote a letter here to Fort George, which he intrusted
to one of the chiefs, who promised to have it safely
conveyed to its destination. On quitting this place
we distributed a quantity of leaf-tobacco among the
Indians, who crowded round the canoes, eagerly expecting
this last act of our friendship. It was past eleven
when we embarked. We had a strong breeze in our favour
all day, and passed several bad rapids. Encamped late,
short distance above John Day's River, so called from
its having been the place at which that hunter was attacked.
"We had a strong aft breeze during the greater
part of the 27th, which enabled us to go a la voile.
Purchased seven horses, moderately cheap, from a party
of Shyatogoes and Wallah Wallahs, who followed us the
greater part of the day, and encamped with us at night"
(Cox: 1957).
On the 28th, Cox notes that they saw few Indians,
and they camped a little below the Grand Rapid, on the
south side. (Editor's note explains that the Grand Rapid
was above the mouth of the Umatilla River and about
eighteen miles below Fort Walla Walla. Lewis and Clark
referred to this as the Muscleshell Rapid, near where
they were greeted by Yellept and his entourage in April,
1806.) Like Lewis and Clark, the party was in need of
horses. The following day they made it a little above
the Wallah Wallah River to camp, where they were visited
by several members of that tribe. "Tamtappam the
chief, and several of his tribe, visited us, and promised
to trade some horses".
"We purchased nine horses from Tamtappam
(Walla Walla chief of village "a little above the
Walla Walla River"), and gave for each goods to
the value of seven beaver skins, by the north-west tariff"
(Cox: 1957). (30th of April, 1817) |
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Background: Sohon's Portion of
the Snake River corridor |
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